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Our Militia and Navy 


Our Militia and Navy 

iMued by the 




It ha« been averted of late by certain Canadian public men 
and newapLper. that the Laurier Administration has made fun, v 
mental alterations in the Militia Act without the knowledge or consent 
ox the people, ^h.^eby conscription as practiced in European countries 

MHit^T"^ *°? ^"•""'"y' *»" »'««° established in Canada; and the 
M.lit.a force which foimerly could not be sont abroad on Hctivv service, 
rendered liable to be drnfted fo^ every Old World war in which Kng- 
land may be engaged without the yea or nay of the Dominion Parlia- 

th» T "* ♦' ' «r f "°°«°"« ^•e^'- have been set forth or suggested by 
ot„ n^. ^''^'' ^''"' " P«P" '' considerable inHuence in 

Ontario^ Other newspapers and one or more of the Nationalist leaders 
m Quebec have made it appear that the new Naval law, if not openly 
!nH °* f«°;«"ption, renders conscription for the Navy necessary, 
and, m addition leaves the Canadian Parliament and people without 
adequate control of that service, which, like the Militia, may be 
hurried at any moment to Old World hostilities in which England is 
a participant. 

f.of.^1 ^'^ '',*" ^\^''f^ ""*'■"' *^** '* ""y ^ «'^» to P">^eu. the 

r^nJ' "T. T^"". ^"'''^' '''' "^^"^^'"^ N«^y " to be built in 
Canada and to be entirely under the control of Canada; whilst so far 
as the Mihtia ,. concerned the Laurier Government has not placed t 
under Imperial control, but, on the contrary, has brought it more 
exclusively under that of our own Parliament 

with'^fh/'^'r ''f *'^^^«""«'' Government in this respect is in accord 
with the natural evolution of things. Time was when by far the 
greater portion of the expense involved in the defence of Canada was 
borne by he British taxpayer. For a century or more after The 
entered into possession of this country, Engla. d had to maintain in 

he iT rX J'"''''' ^'^"^^"- ^° ''''' P^^^o^i «he carried on 
the war w,th the American Colonies and the War of 1812 with the 
newly formed United States; while she and they were often on tJe 

th? '4 J'"'."^ '" T-""" "^ '^' ^'''''' ""'I ^'•'^^^'^ boundaries, 
plh.J/« A '; "*'.'" * "^°°^ ^'^'^' **»« North Atlantic 

Fisheries. As we advanced in material growth and began to feel the 

nlraTt /f '°; '' "'^' ^'^ ''•^'^"^""y «"^«-*^<^ *'«** we shoiM 
prepare to defend ourselves; till at length the day came when she 

Co ontr '""'''' "* '"'^ ^^"^'^ ^^^°«' ^"* ^™- *^« otJ^-'a ^e 

Thit decision was reached about the time that friendly relations 
were established between her and the United States. Thereafter we 
were obliged, whether we liked it or not, to undertpke the task of 
protecting ourselves: and have succeeded in creating a distinctively 
Canadian force, which, so far. has proved equal to all emerirencies and 
reflected credit upon us in every particular. No doubt professional 
soldiers can find plenty of room for criticising it, but then it is not 
a professional army, nor are we ambitious to be known as professional 
experts in war, having sometliing better to do. The Laurier Ad- 
ministration has presided over and facilitated the transition between 
the old regime and the new-the chanpe from a Canadian Militia 
that was a mere auxiliary to the British Army serving in Canada to a 
Canadian Militia that has become a great Canadian institution, living 
Its own life, yet bound by ties of loyalty and aflfection, as we all are 
to the support of the British Empire. ' 

A similar process has been at work in other fields. When the 
first Mihtia Acts were passed in Upper Canada, over a hundred years 
ago, the Governor, Simcoe's biographer tells us, "did not acknowledge 
any responsibility save to the Government that had appointed him " 
to wit, the Colonial Office, "while the officials assisting him to carry 
on the Administration were his nominees, acknowledging no responsi- 
bihty to the people's representatives, but only to the Governor and 
the Crown." The same system prevailed in Quebec and the other 
Provinces. We of to-day cannot very well comprehend the frame of 
mmd of a generation which believed that sue • a form of government 
was, as the Duke of Wellington said rf tha. of England before the 
Reform Bill of 1832, so perfect that no one d priori could possibly 
have devised a better. In due cou-se, however, our forefathers in- 
sisted that the acts of the Governor must be in harmony with the 
advice of his Executive Co-incil, which in turn should be responsible 
to the people. The Reformers were branded as rebels but the modem 
historian, with better lights, regards them as agents or ministers of 
the natural forces that make for the political development of every 
young community, just as they transform the infant into the boy and 
the boy into the man. 

In like manner we have outgrown the old Colonial Policy as it 
was termed, whereby the Mother Country gave us a preference for 
our raw products in her market, and, in return, drafted our tariff in 
the interest of her manufacturers, whose goods received a substantial 
preference in ours; which tended, and indeed was designed, to pre- 

vent the development of manufacturing industri.s in (\.nada The 
♦ 1 *u "**. °^*'*'' departments have pawed under Canadian con- 
trol Above all, the practice of settling with the United States 
quMtioni of importance la Canada without our l>oing allowed a hearing 
has been abando, d; besides which we are n. ,v j.ermitted virtually 
to mal 4 commercial treaties of our own with all nations 

This gradual extension of our powers <.f selfgovornment alarms 

be detached from England; when in truth, paradoxical as it may seem, 
the more independent we become the greater the service we are cnonH-e 
of rendering her. Tied her apron strings, we were alway. . .urce 
of expense and anxiety and sometimes a positive burden; bui •, nv that 
we are self-governing, with vnstly greater resources, we c in a 
position to assist her when necessary at our own cost. 

The Li« als who deninnded Kesponsible Government were 
but asserting .ho doctrine, then somewhat new to Knulnn.i but now- 
acted upon by her statesmen of both parties, that the British Empire 
cai, be held together only by England's onceding a wide autonomy 
to every Colonial unit fit to exercise it. This talisman saved Canada 
and Australia to the flag, and ha.s rendered passible the reeonciliation of 
the discordant elements in South Africa. Similarly, since acquiring 
control of the Canadian Militia, we have been able to assure England 
that, instead of being a drag upon her as before, we are prepared to 
lend her our aid whenever we are of opinion that she needs it; and as 
Can.da is destined to be a great nation, a- ' that before long, this is 
no mean guarantee of help and comradeship the hour of trial 

Fifty years ago the question was rai ., both in England and 
Canada, whether she could give us a co-relative undertaking that she 
would assist us in case we were attacked by the United States. At 
that time itance, under Napoleon the Third, was a menace to her in 
Europe ; now Germany is or is supposed to be her enemy. But whether 
or not fear of a German invasion might deter her from defending us 
we on our part are ready to do our share in defending her; we being 

IVl^r' ^' rf' ''^ autonomous people, of the occasion when 
and the form m which the aid shall be granted. 

It is of the first importance that there should be no misunder- 
r!!nlT^ V\ "^''r.' ^''^''° ^°^'"°^ «°d ourselves in this 
Ll^ wvT !. r?u ^°'"°'" "^"^ ^°^* ^'^'•""^h a misunderstand- 
ing^ While they had been m t.'.e habit of co-operating with England 
in her wars with France and Spain on the American Continent and 
of taxing themselves for that purp .e, they had never been askU to 
W nf *;," her Old World wars, although in his examination at the 
bar of the British House of Commons Benjamin Franklin declared 


they were willing to do so. Had it come to that, however, we may be 
sure they would have provided the money through taxation imposed by 
their own Legislatures rather than have suffered themselves to be taxed by 
the Imperial Parliament, where they had no repi*esentation. Un- 
fortunately, as we all know, there was a lack of definiteness in their 
position towards England, as well as in England's position towards 
them, in regard to the subject of taxation. 

That the British Parliament had the constitutional right to tax 
them was apparently beyond doubt; and certainly every farthing 
Grenville intended to raise in the Colonies was to be spent in the 
Colonies. On the other hand, while the Imperial Parliament had 
always fixed the Customs duties, not for revenue purposes so much as 
for the regulation of commerce then subject to the preferential 
system, the internal taxes, those primarily designed to produce 
revenue, had from first to last been imposed by the Colonial As- 
semblies. Consequently, said the latter, Grenville 's action in levying 
Stamp Taxes is an invasion of local riglits and autonomy that may be, 
and therefore is sure to be, carried to the length of an impoverishing 
tyranny. "Errors in raising money," observed one of the old English 
Governors of Ireland, "are the compendious ways to cause a general 
discontent; for whereas other things are but the concernment*, of 
some, this is of all. Wherefore, I hope God will in His mercy not lead 
us into temptation." 

So far as Canada is concerned, she has always professed her 
willingness to take part in the Old World wars of England, but the 
conditions have never been clearly set forth by Canada till now. 
Three modes of raising and applying the money to enable us to do 
so have been debated: 

First, we should submit to be regularly taxed by the Imperial 
Parliament for the support of the military and naval forces of 
England, and, in addition, pay our proportion of the cost of carry- 
ing on a war. This would at once bring up the question of taxation 
without representation, on which the Empire split before. There 
are other grave objections to the project, but this is sufficient to con- 
demn it. 

Second, we should vote money of our own free will in the Do- 
minion Parliament for British armaments whenever the Empire is in 
danger. This scheme is favored by the generality of Canadian Con- 
servatives. But who is to say when the Empire is in danger? At 
the British elections in January, 1910, half the people of England 

declared that England was in the greatest danger, while tlie other 
half said the thunder of the captains and the shouting did not proceed 
from Berlin but was merely the noise of the Tory scaremonger in 
Fleet Street; an hypothesis that was evidently the right one, for, the 
elections over, the scare was allowed to subside. It would hardly 
do for us therefore to take the word of a British Opposition that the 
Empire was in jeopardy, and about equally unsafe to take that of a 
Mmistrj- which migrht have been returned by virtue of inst such 
misrepresentations, or have been subsequently influenced by them. 

We in Canada have an eternal war of our own on our hands the 
war against the wilderness, which calls for immense sums for 'rail- 
ways, canals and other instrumentalities of civilization; in fact it is 
about all we can do to meet this beneficent budget. But if our 'taxes 
were to be ougmented by 20 or 30 millions whenever one or other 
of the political parties in England had worked itself into a frenzy 
over the intentions of Germany or Russia, we should speedily find the 
load intolerable; and then what? 

In England the Ministry and Parliament declare war and con- 
clude peace. But this automatic voting of money in the lump, to be 
followed perhaps by the automatic despatoh of Canadian troops as 
often as a British Minister or a combination of London editors 
asserted that the Empire was in peril, would reduce Canada prettv 
much to the level of a colony of the old Roman Empire, the chief end 
of which was to furnish soldiers for Imperial wars and ask no ques- 
tions. Our taxation would be determined by persons in no manner 
responsible to us. If self-government is vital in small things, it must 
be doubly so to us in matters involving the expenditure of Canadian 
blood and treasure across the sea. 

By the abortive treaty of neutrality between James the Second 
and Louis the Fourteenth in 1686, it was agreed that the Colonies of 
England and France in North America should remain at peace when 
the nations were at war in Europe. Tlie proposal came to nothing 
but It laid down the principle that the Colonists were not mere liege- 
men bound to follow their distant lord in war even when the issue 
m no way concerned them. Yet the fire-eating majors and colonels of 
the Opposition at Ottawa woul.l put us back to the liejreman sta-e • 
Third, this brings us to the proposal of the Laurier Administrati"on 
that while maintaining a Militia and a Navy for her own purposes,' 

.-K *^^ l^^.^' "^'^^^ General Gordon was imprisoned In Khartoum and a Rnt 
l8h expeditionary force was being sent to relieve him certainTanrdian offl 


Caoada should be ready to employ them in behalf of England when- 
ever in the opinion of the Canadian Government and Parliament it 
is necessary or desirable to do so. This keeps our autonomy intact 
and our self-respect along with it. "We cannot be stampeded by the 
alarmist in London, nor by a British Cabinet elected by or subject to 
his influence. It is provided in the existing Militia Act, that of 
1904, that whenever the Canadian Militia is called to active service. 
Parliament must meet within fifteen days thereaft€r. The Naval Act 
also says that when the Navy, or any part of it, is placed on active 
service Parliament shall meet within fifteen days. By this means 
we are protected against hysteria on the part of a Canadian Ministry. 
Before the troops could be mobilized at Quebec or the Navy got 
together at Halifax or Esquimalt, Parliament would be sitting and 
the people throughout the country heard from in various ways. The 
amount we chose to spend would be left to ourselves, and it would be 
for us to consider whether England's cause was a righteous one or 
not. If for any reason we declined to take part we should doubtless 
be assailed by the Jingoes. On the other hand, the English people 
would be aware from the outset that this policy had been deliberately 
framed to secure us a free voice in the matter; hence it is just 
possible that, in the day when our support counted for a good deal, 
they might think twice before entering upon some campaigns. 
Lastly, the Laurier plan is all in line with our natural development 
and safe in that it leaves us masters in our own house. 

There is a chapter in the history of the Canadian Militia which 
is well worth resurrecting in these times when many are disi>osed 
to think lightly of Canadian self-government, and to endorse projects 
of Imperial centralization that would destroy it. 

In 1861, the War Office, which a short time before had been in- 
duced by Lord Elgin to abandon a costly scheme of Canadian fortifi- 
cations, turned to the establishment in the old Province of Canada, 
with a population of only 2,500,000 and a more or less straitened 
treasury, of an active Militia of 50,000 men and a reserve of 50,000 
more. About all that could be said for the scheme, which would have 
cost over a million dollars a year, was that a civil war was raging in 
the United States and that possibly at its close the combatants on one 
side or the other, or both, might invade Canada. The Conservative 
Ministry of John A. Macdonald and Cartier brought in the Bill in 
1862. A report had previously been made by a Defence Commission, 
but it was commonly understood, and Sir John Macdonald is said 


to have acknowledged it in after life, that the measure in the rough 
came direct from the War Office. On the second reading the Ministry 
was beaten by 61 to 54 and resigned. The London newspapers 
jumped to the conclusion that Canada was about to secede from the 
Empire; and the Duke of Newcastle, the Colonial Secretary, wrote a 
letter to the Governor-General, Lord Monck, containing some remark- 
able proposals. It was dated August 21st, 1862, and will be found 
together with the reply of the Sandfield-Macdonald-Sieotte Govern- 
ment, which meanwhile had taken office, in the "Imperial House of 
Commons Papers, Canada, Vol. 16, 1860 to 1867." 

His Grace desired the "speedy resumption of measures for the 
better military organization of the inhabitants of Canada," saying 
that the existing force would be quite inadequate in the event of war and 
that an active militia of 50,000 was the least that would meet the re- 
quirements. He was of opinion that the "administration and the supp' v 
of funds for the support" of the force "should be exempt from the f'is- 
turbmg action of ordinary politics," for unless this were done "there 
could be no confidence that in the appointment of officers, and in other 
matters of a purely military character, no other object than the efficiency 
of the force would be kept in view. " And in order that the force mi^ht 
be taken out of the disturbing action of politics, he suggested that the 
appropriation for the Militia, or a certain fixed portion of it, should be 
voted, not annually, but "for a period of three or five years." in which 
case, as is obvious, the control of the Militia expenditure, year by year 
by the Canadian Parliament would have been done awaj^ with. 

His Grace observed that "a country which, however unjustly, is 
suspected of inability or indisposition to provide for its own defence 
does not in the present circumstances of America offer a tempting field 
for investment, and while it might be argued that the increased charge 
for a larger Militia would diminish rather than enlarge the credit of 
Canada," he was "convinced that such would not be the case if steps 
were taken for the securing of a basis of taxation sounder in itself 
than the almost exclusive reliance on Customs duties." He likewise 
recommended that a uniform system of training and organization 
should be introduced in all the British North American Provinces the 
Governor-General to be Commander-in-Chief of the whole force, with 
the Lieutenant-Governors acting as Generals of Divisions under him 
and an Adjutant-General, approved by Her Majesty's Government' 
moving to and fro to give uniformity to the training and cohesion 
to the force Itself." But as such a scheme would affect more than 
one Colony, it must of course "emanate from the Secretary of State " 
although the Imperial Government would not entertain it "unless 
they were convinced it would be acceptable to the people of C^inada 
and the other Colonies." 


The reply of the Sandfield-Macdonald-Sicotte Administration, in 
the form of a report of Council to Lord Monck, is dated October 27th, 
1862. After the usual preliminaries, it went on to say that "a 
volunteer organization is that alone through which the military spirit 
of the Canadian people must find vent in a period of peace." In case 
of emergency "the response to an order calling out the MJiitia would 
be unanimous, but there is a decided aversion to compulsory service 
except in the presence of actual danger." In this spirit "amendments 
were made to the Militia law previously in force, the aim of the new 
Government being to infuse vitality into the voluntary branch of the 
service." In this and ether particulars. Ministers point with con- 
fidence to what they have done and are prepared to do as evidence of 
their determination to fulfil their duty in regard to the defence of the 
Province ; and ' ' look forward without any misgivings to the realization 
of results which will vindicate the wisdom, patriotism and loyalty of 
the course they have pursued." 

The proposal to organize and drill not less than 50,000 men had 
been rejected by Parliament and the present Ministry, says the reply, 
"cannot disguise their opinion that the Province is averse to the mainten- 
ance of a force wixich would seriously derange industry and tax its re- 
sources to a degree justifiable only in periods of imminent danger or actual 
war. ' ' The Canadian people feel that if war with the United States should 
occur,' ' it will be produced by no act of theirs, and they have no inclination 
to do anything that may seem to foreshadow, perhaps to provoke, a 
state of things which would be disastrous to every interest of the 
Province." Turning to some recent elections, the reply said that so 
far as known "not a single candidate has ventured to declare himself 
in favor of a measure so extensive as that which was prepared by the 
late Government, and is now again recommended by His Grace"; so 
that the new Ministers find themselves fortified by public opinion, 
their own estimate of what is required having been ' ' confirmed by the 
calm judgment of the people." 

The reply goes on to note that what His Grace evidently has in 
mind, speaking of having resort to a basis of taxation sounder in itself 
than exclusive reliance on Customs duties, is "direct taxation, to 
obtain an increase of income commensurate with the increase of ex- 
penditure which would follow the organization of the large force pro- 
posed." But "this is not the occasion for adopting a principle 
hitherto unknown in the fiscal policy of the Province, and assuredly 
this is not the time for plunging into an experiment for which the people 
of the Province are unprepared. Your Excellency's advisers believe 
that no government could exist that should attempt to carry out the 
suggestion of His Grace for the purpose designed." As for the credit 


of the country, Ministers hold "that they are, and must be allowed to 
be, the best judges of the pressure which the Provincial credit can 
sustain ; and they are not prepared to "enter upon a lavish expendi- 
ture to build up a military system distasteful to the Canadian people 
disproportionate to Canadian resources, and not called for by any 
circumstances of which at present they have cognizance." 

As for the proposal that the Militia expenditure should be re- 
moved in part from the control of Parliament, "it is certain that any 
measure liable to this construction never will be, and ought not to be 
entertained by a people inheriting the freedom guaranteed bv British 
institutions." The Imperial Parliament guards with jealous'care the 
means of mamtaining the military and naval forces of the Empire the 
appropriations being annually voted, and "not the most powerful 
Minister has dared to propose to the Imperial House the abandonment 
of Its controlhng power for a period of five years." What the British 
Commons "would not under any circumstances of danger entertain," 
IS not likely to be entertained by the Legislature of Canada, for "what- 
ever evils are incident to representative institutions, the people of a 
British Province will not forget that they are trivial in comparison 
with those which are inseparable from arbitrary authority." 

The suggestion that a union for defence should be established 
among all the British Provinces-"a union whose details would eman- 
ate from .he Secretary of State and whose management would be 
entirely independent of the several Local Legislatures "-was one 
that could not at present be discussed. Assuming, however, that in 
consequence of the construction of the Intercolonial, and of other 
measures, more intimate relations arose between the various Pro- 
vinces, they "would never contribute to an expensive system of 
defence unless it were subject to their own control. Speaking for 
Canada, your Excellency's advisers are sure that this Province will 
continue to claim the exclusive right of directing the expenditure of 
public monies." 

The reply closed with an account of the peculiar position of 
Canada m respect to the United States, and of the sacrifices sh '-.d 
made for her defence. No more was heard of His Grace's r i. 
mendations. In due course the Conservatives returned to office ut 
they made no attempt to resurrect them; on the contrary, they 
accepted the situation and set to work, with the hearty co-operation of 
the Liberal party, to improve the Canadian Militia while keeping it 
under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Canadian Parliament. 

Some were found who berated the Liberal Government of ]S62 
for noi adopting the Imperial programme of the Duke of Newcastle 
and who declared that it was impossible for Canadians to create a 


Militia worthy of the name — that such a force could not fail to be 
impotent and ridiculous in the field, and so on; exactly what some 
persons are now saying of the Canadian Navy. But the good sense 
of Canadians soon led them, irrespective of party, to see that we could 
not afford as a people to let our taxes be spent on highly costly plans 
of defence in the creation and control of which we had no voice. And 
we soon showed, too, that we were capable of raising a Militia fit to 
rank with any regular troops, the British not excepted; witness the 
dashing exploits and great bravery of the Canadian contingents in 
South Africa, the splendid bearing of our men in the North-West 
Rebellion of 1885, and, to go further back, their gallant defence of 
the frontier in the Fenian raids of 1866 and 1870. 

I have dealt at length with the events of 1862 because they have 
a direct bearing on the present controversy as showing with what 
resolution the Canadians of that day stood up against those who, with 
the best motives in the world, would have restricted our rights of 
self-government for the furtherance of what they considered to be 
Imperial ends. 

The v'onservatives of that time were quite as determined that 
Canada should not be thrown back on Doviming Street rule. In 
1859, Sir Alexander Gait objected to Colonial OiBce interference with 
our tariff in language which must have startled the British ofiScials. 
In order to raise revenue for the construction of canals and other 
public works, and also, no doubt, to encourage Canadian industry, 
Gait had put a 20 per cent duty on a number of articles. The Duke 
of Newcastle protested, and was urged by some of the Chambers of 
Commerce in England to disallow the Act, whereupon Gait and his 
Conservative colleagues replied : 

"Respect for the Imperial Government must always dictate 
the desire to satisfy them that the policy of Canada is neither 
hastily nor unwisely formed, and that due regard is had to the 
interests of the Mother Country, as well as of the Province. But 
the Government of Canada, acting for its Legislature and people, 
cannot, through those feelings of deference which they owe to 
the Imperial authorities, in any manner waive or diminish the 
right of the people of Canada to decide for themselves both as 
to the mode and extent to which taxation shall be imposed. 

"The Provincial Ministry are at all times ready to afford 
explanations in regard to the acts of the Legislature +o which 
they are a party ; but, subject to their duty and allegiance to Her 
Majesty, their responsibility upon general questions of policy most 


be to the Provincial Parliament, by whose confidence they ad- 
minister the affairs of the country. And in the imposition of 
taxation it is so plainly necessary that the Administration and 
the p<t:ople should be in accord, that the former cannot admit 
responsibility or require approval beyond that of the Local 

"Self-government would be utterly annihilated if the views 
of the Imperial Government were to be preferred to those of the 
people of Canada. It is, therefore, the duty of the present 
Government distinctly to afl5rm the right of the Canadian Legis- 
lature to adjust the taxation of tlie people in the way they deem 
best, even if it should unfortunately happen to meet the dis- 
approval of the Imperial Ministry. Her Majesty cannot be ad- 
vised to disallow such acts unless her advisers are prepared to 
assume the administration of the affairs of the Colony irres- 
pective of the views of the inhabitants. 

"The Imperial Government are not responsible for the debts 
and engagements of Canada; they do not maintain its Judges, 
or its Educational or Civil Services; they contribute nothing to 
the internal government of the country ; and as the Provincial 
Legislature, acting through a Ministry directly responsible to it, 
has to make provision for all these wants, they must necessarily 
claim and exercise the widest latitude as to the nature and 
extent of the burdens to be placed on the industry of the people. 

"The Provincial Government believes Ilis Grace must share 
their own convictions on this important subject; but as serious 
evV would have resulted had His Grace taken a different course, 
it is wiser to prevent future complication by distinctly stating 
the position that must he maintained by every Canadian Adminis- 
tration." (Sessional Papers, Province .-^f Canada, No. 38, I860,) 

If the Liberals and Conservatives of that era insisted thus 
vehemently upon our rights of self-government, it was becau.j the 
dangerous state of affairs prevailing under the former regime when 
Downing Street centralization was in vogue, was fresh in t' ir recol- 
lection. To them the struggle for responsible government hs been, in 
a verj' literal sense, articulus vel libcrtalls aid scrvitutis. a question 
whether Canadians were to be bond or free; and they felt that the 
restoration of the centralization policy, so contrary to the instincts of 
the English-speaking race, and so much at variance with the spirit of 
the New "World, could not fail to result in the loss of Canada to the 

One of the worst of the minor abuses of the old time was the voting 
of money en bloc for a period of years for Civil Government. The 
Reformers said the appropriation should be voted item by item, in order 


that the people might know what they were paying for, and be in a 
better position to enforce economy. The Executive in Lower Canada 
replied on one occasion, and entertained the same view on all, that if 
such a rule were sanctioned "it would give to the members of the popular 
Chamber, not only the privilege of giving or withholding the supplies, 
but the power to prescribe to the Sovereign the number and character 
of his servants, and the wages he was to pay to each ; all of which would 
end in making His Majesty's officials subservient to the electors, since 
the latter, and not His Majesty, would virtually be their paymaster, 
although they were bound to honor and obey His Majesty alone." 

The Civil List of Lower Canada can i.-d a chief justice, who appears 
to have been a disgrace to his office, a lieutenant-governor who had never 
set foot in the countrj', a non-resident governor of Gaspe, a judge who 
also drew pay as a French translator, another who was a paid auditor of 
the public accounts, and one or two subordinate officials who had de- 
faulted to a considerable amount. It was not merely because the vo 3- 
in-the-luTip covered a multitude of sins, but because it was wrong in 
principle, that the people's representatives attacked it till it became 
odious to all save the beneficiaries. A similar system, only on a much 
larger scale, prevailed at one time in England, and is dealt with by 
Burke in his "Present Discontents." The object of a detailed estimate 
in advance, Burke says, is that "the reality of the charge, the reason of 
incurring it, and the justice and necessity of discharging it, shall all 
appear antecedent to the payment," for "no man ever pays first and 
calls for his account afterwards, because he would thereby let out of his 
hands the principal, and, indeed, only effectual means of compelling a 
full and fair one," and preventing a "corrupt and prodigal use of public 
money." The early history of Upper Canada teems with abuses arising 
from votes en bloc for services within that Province. 

The sober-minded Imperialist must see that Canadians would soon 
tire of voting huge sums of money in the lump to be spent upon the 
alarums and excursions of the war party in England. If England her- 
self was actually in danger we should, of course, hasten to her assistance 
with all the forces we could muster. That goes without saying. It is 
important to bear in mind, however, that she has Old World responsi- 
bilities in which we have little if any concern. Besides having to defend 
India and other remote possessions, she is under treaty obligation to 
maintain the territorial integrity of Belgium, Portugal, Turkey, Persia, 
and other regions, which to us are mere spaces on the map ; and may at 
any moment have to fight Kaffir or Arab peoples, who stand in the way 
of her constantly expanding Empire, but who assuredly are doing no 
harm to us in Canada. 


Out Imperialistic friends in Canada seem to think that the Empire 
i« in danger whenever British troops take the field, and that we should 
participate lautomatically in her "little wars," as well oe in the 
Armageddons. It is possible that they do not in their hearts believe 
this doctrine, but assert it merely for the purpose of putting Sir Wilfrid 
Laurier "in the hole," of exposing him U) the ery in the Enelish-speak- 
ing Provinces that, uing a French-Canadian, he is anti-British. Any- 
how such a condition of things would be a standing menace to British 
connection. It would divide and probably in the end upset a mixed com- 
munity like r^uTs, an amalgam still ip the making ot a great number of 
nationalities other than British. Many of our foreijm-bom settlers fled 
from Europe to escape the evils of militarism, and obviously it would be a 
grave affair to plunge Canada into that turbid tide by committing her 
without sufficient to Imperial amiaments that mi^'ht be employed 
next day in levying war upon the country of their origin. 

The money side of the question is likewise serious. The expenditure 
on the Army in the last twenty years has risen from $90,000,00i) 
to close on $140,000,000 per annum, the ex.ict estimate for 1910-il being 
$138,800,000. In the same space the annual cost of the British Navy 
has increased from $115,000,000 >o over $200,000,000, the estimate for 
1910-11 being $203,000,000. The recent growth in naval expenditure 
has been due in the main to the race with Germany for supremacy on 
the sea. The Dreadnoughts, of which so much was heard a while ago, 
are likely to give place to vessels of another and less costly type; while 
all the signs point to the early adoption by England and Germany of an 
agreement for reuucing +he vast amounts spent on naval construction. 

Suppose Canada had been cor-^mitted in 1890 to contributing to the 
Imperial Army or Navy, or both, is often as any considerable body of 
Englishmen was thrown into a panic by the yellow press, our aggregate 
contribution by this time might easily have amounted to as much as 
would suffice to deepen the Welland Canal several times over, or build 
two or three Hudson's Bay railways, and leave a comfortable balance 
for reducing the Dominion debt. By the way, it would not be amiss for 
the British Government, and the Dominion Government as well, to spend 
a few thousands on hanging in everv school-house and editorial room in 
letters of gold what Burke said of the Jingoes of his day: 

'I "While the poorest being that crawls the earth contending to 
save Itself from injustice and oppression is an object respectable 
m the eyes of God and man, I cannot conceive any einstence 
under Heaven (which in the depths of its wisdom tolerates all 
sorts of things) that is more truly odious and disgusting than an 
impotent, helpless creature, without civil Avisdom or militarv skill 
calling for battles which he is not to fight, or contending for a 
violent dominion which he can never exercise." 


One of the drawbacks of our Colonial status is that it leads us un- 
consciously to rt>$]rard ourselves as an inferior people; and an inferior 
race, as we know, is apt to imitate the vices rather than the virtues of 
the superior. Hence some of us consider it "pood form" to endorse the 
views of the British aristocracy, and of the large class of Enfjlishmcn 
who identify themselves with it, even when those opinions, carried into 
effect, would damage the best interests of Canada. Here is a writer in 
a Canadian University magazine who says that our motto should be: 
"The British Empire before everything; and afterwards (not till after- 
wards) the individual advantage of its component parts"; adding that 
"a cry of Autonomy has gone up from the smaller minds who cannot 
think in Empires, whose brains can grasp nothing much larger than 
parishes," but "where will Autonomy stand when a foreign Dread- 
nought is anchored at Montreal t" Another Canadian of the same school 
lauds the theory of Lord Beaconsfield that as Imperium et Libertas was 
the secret of the old Roman Empire, so it should be the foundation of the 
modem British Empire, existing arrangements to the contrary notwith- 
standing. Lord Beaconsfield was reminded when he advanced this fan- 
tastic notion, upon \. lich the new Imperialistic movement largely rests, 
that while the Libertas was indeed enjoyed by Rome, all that her outside 
subjects got was the- heavy hand of the Imperiiuii. That the British 
Empire could last if the self-governing Colonies had to consult Imperial 
interests first and their own afterwards, no intelligent person can believe. 

No one is so well qualified to speak on the subject of Canadian 
contribu'.ions to Imperial armaments and wars as the veteran Sir Charles 
Tupper, He remembers Nova Scotia when it was struggling for Re- 
sponsible Government, and as Provincial Minister and Provincial 
Premier, Federal Minister and Federal Premier, had a wide experience 
of the workings of our existing institutions, and realized the importance 
of maintaining them in their integrity, so that Canadians may not be 
halted for a moment in their advance towards a fuller national life. As 
far back as 1892, Sir Charles warned one of the Imperialistic leagues in 
England that wished to have us taxed at Westminster for the Imperial 
services, or brought under some arrangement whereby we should from 
time to time vote money in our own Parliament for them, tlist the dis- 
ruption of the Empire lay that way. In November, 1909, when the 
Dominion House was discussing what form aid to the British Navy 
should assume. Sir Charles wrote a letter to Mr. R. L. Borden, the Con- 
servative leader, of which this is the salient part : 


"I regard that question as more important than any mere 
party issue, and am glad to lea>'n tliat you arc rosolvcd to main- 
tain the patriotic attitude of t]<o Conservative party assumed last 
session. A few years ago when Tanadtt was Htruggling to open 
up for British settlement the great granary of the world, a few 
gentlemen here raised the question of a ("anadian contribution 
to the Imperial Navy. I joined issue with thorn and was sustained 
by the press and public opinion. 

"Regarding as I do British institutions as giving greater 
security to life, -nperty and liberty than any other form of 
government, I h^.e devoted more than half a century to un- 
eensing efforts to prrsorvi' thf conncitidn of Canaila and the 
Crown. Wncn Great Britain was inxolved in the strugftle in the 
Transvaal, I led the van in forcing the Canadian Oovirnment to 
send aid. But I did not believe then, and do not believe now, in 
taxation without representation. The demand which will soon be 
made by some that Canada should contribute to the Imperial Navy 
in proportion to population, I regard as preposterous and 

"I read with pleasure the resolutit n passed unanimously by 
the House of Commons pledging Parliannnit to proceed vigorously 
with the construction of the Canadian Navy and to support Eng- 
land in every emergency ; and all that in my opinion is required 
is to hold the Government of the day bound to carry that out 

"I cannot understand the demand for Dreadnoughts in the 
face of the fact that the Admiralty and the British Government 
have determined that it was not the best mode of maintaining the 
security of the Empire, and arranged with Canada and Australia 
(the latter of whom had offered one or two Dreadnoughts) for the 
construction of local navies to keep open the trade routes in case 
of war. 

"Of course, the Government of the day will be held account- 
able for carrying out the policy thus agreed upou in a thoroughly 
eflfective manner; but I cannot avoid thinking that a fearful 
responsibility will rest on those who disturb or destroy the com- 
pact entered into on this vitally important question." 

It is clear that Sir Charles views with sii.spifion all projects which 
would tax US from the outside for Imperial armaments, and stands for a 
Canadian Navy controlled, like the Canadian Militia, by the Dominion 
Parliament; in other words, for the policy of the Laurier Adiiiinistration. 

An English writer, who regards Canadian autonomy as a nuisance 
because it is in the road of the Imperial centralization he is anxious to 
see established, replied to Sir Charles by saying that aa Canadians were 
taxed by England for the War of 1812, which was a war for the defence 
of Canada, there is no good reason why they should not be taxed for 
other British wars, all of which must be in defence of Canada in the 
sense that Canada is part of +' - ^.mpire. In the first place it is not 


hi«toricalIy true that the War of 1812 wan wa^d for the defence of 
Caoada. The war wa« not provoked by Canada ; we were attacked solely 
became, as in the Fenian raids, wc bcloni^ed to England. It is inia< 
leadint? to tell a Colony that you arc Apfndini; nii-n and money for its 
protection, when aa a matter of fact it is entin-ly on your at'i-ount that 
it has been made a battlefield. Secondly, Canadians were not taxed by 
the Imperial Government or forced in any other manner to contribute 
towards the expenses of the War of 1812. The contributions of Upper 
Canada and Nova Scotia — tl ^nly ones sent in — were voted of their 
own motion by the Provincial gi-slatures. Indeed, England had for- 
ever renounced all idea of taxing the Colonics by the Colonial Tax 
Repeal Act of 177S, passed by Ix)rd North in the hope of conciliating 
the American Colonies. That lamous statute is part and parcel of the 
Bill of Rights of every British Colony at the present hour; and it would 
l>e a sorry day for the Empire if the modt'ni Imperialist should tamper 
with it 

Before briefly describing what the Laurier Administration, under 
Sir Frederick Borden's able management, has done towards Canadian- 
iziitg the Militia, a few preliminary observations are necessarj'. 

Shortly after the Crimean War (18.54-56), when England had to call 
in her troops from Canada and other Colonies, English Liberals sug- 
gested that, as we were now self-governing, it was advisable that we 
should be entrusted wit^ our own defence, especially aa the bogey of a 
Fr< nch invasion of England had been put on th" boards by the alarmists. 
The; ■ men were dubbed "Little Englanders, " a name now applied to all 
who Jo not worship the god of war. Yet British military experts were 
of the same opinion, notably as regards Canada, which they allowed could 
not b' adequately defended against the Unii d States by any force of 
British troops which England could spare fi^m her Old World necessi- 
ties. A Select Committee of the House of Commons on the ' ' Expense of 
Militnry Defences in the Colonies," looked into the subject and advised 
against the whole burden of their defence being any longer borne by the 
British taxpayer, in a report of which this was the keynote (Imperial 
Accounts and Papers, Vol. 41, 1860) : 

"We concider that this immunity, throwing as it does the 
defence of the Colonies almost entirely on the Mother Country, 
is open to two main objections. In the first place, it imposes an 
enormous burden and inconvenience a the i,2opIe of England, 
not only by the addition winch it makes to their taxed, but by 
calling off to remote stations a large proportion of their troops 


and shipa, and thereby weakening their means of defence at home. 
But a atill more important objection is the ttudcney which this 
system must necessarily have to prevent the development of a 
proper spirit of self-reliance amongst our Colonies, and to en- 
feeble their national character. By the gift of self-Rovcrnment 
we have bestowed on our ('olonies a moHt important element of 
national education; but the habit of self-defence constitutes a part 
hardly less important of the training of a free people, and it will 
n<'\ r lie aoqiiiriMl by our Colonists if \v<> iLSNume exclusively the 
task of defending them." 

This statesman-like view commended itself to everyone in Canada 
with the exception of those who were personally " ofitting l)y the 
presence of the Imperial troops. The Committee proceeded to outline a 
plan whereby the defence of Canada was to bo cast upon Canada, the 
Imperial Government bearing, however, a share of the cost. What it 
desired above all things, it said, was to "convey in the most marked and 
emphatic way the determination of the Mother Countr>' that the Colonies 
should he governed through and for their own people" in military 
affairs ; in brief, that the autonomy we secured in other things should 
apply to our defence. There is a copious official literature on this 
branch of the subject, but all in this spirit ; so that when the British 
troops were withdrawn ton yiars af'crwarda we never so mueh as 
dreamed of proteating or complaining. No one suggested that a Militia 
was not required, or that we should place ourselves under the protection 
of the Monroe Doctrine. The Conservative Government of the day set 
about improving and enlarging the force, and the Liberal Administration 
of Mr. Alexander Mackenzie loyally carriel on the work by, amongst 
other measures, establishing the Military College at Kingston for the 
education of Canadian officers. Both part' agreed that Canadians 
must look to themselves for their defen e on land, just as Liberals now 
Bay we arc bound as a self-respecting people to look to ourselves for 
defence on sea. 

The Monroe Doctrine, which has so great an attraction for some of 
our Nationalist brethren in Quebec, is undoubtedly a policy of much 
importance to America. Oriirinally adopted by the United States at the 
instance of Canning, when Foreign Secretary of England, to prevent 
certain European powers from restoring to Spain her revolted American 
colonies, it has come to mean that the United States will protect every 
American community from att^iek from th^^ Old World for the purpose 
of conquest or transfer. To state it with more precision, the United 
States has no desire to interfere with the existing colonies in America of 


any European nation ; but, while disavowinpr any intention of establish- 
jg a protectorate over the New World, wili not permit any European 
Power to overthrow any existing: independent State in America, or to 
establish new Colonies under the pretence of promoting emigration 
settlements. This provision was invoked not long ago against Germany, 
when it was suspected by Washington that Germany was attempting 
political colonization in Brazil. Lastly, the United States will not permit 
any European Power to attempt to gain possession of any colony in 
America now belonging to another European Power. Or, as Mr. Roose- 
velt puts it: "No transfer of an American colony from one European 
State to another is to be permitted, if, in the judgment of the United 
States, such transfer would be hostile to American interests or to those 
of the colony." 

It seems to follow that if England were at war with Germany, 
Germany would not be allowed by the United States to attack Canada 
since that would be prima facie evidence, to say the least, that Germany 
desired to take possession of this country — a result which would certainly 
be contrary to our interests and doubtless would be considered hostile 
to those of the United States. Of course, the same rule would apply to 
France. Russia or any other European nation with which England 
might be at war, as well as to Japan; they would not be permitted to 
employ troops or warships against us. Therefore, in the scarcely con- 
ceivable event of the British flag going down to defeat, the Monroe 
Doctrine might be a very valuable asset of ours. 

Yet, when all this is said, we could not seek sanctuary xmder the 
Monroe Doctrine, if England were assailed by an Old World enemy, 
without practically identifying ourselves with the Stars and Stripes 
and electing to dwell beneath them ever after. It would be the act of 
annexation inspired by cowardice. We should be scorned by the rest of 
the world for leaving England in the lurch and abandoning a national 
life of our own, and a guilty conscience would torment us to the end. 

Putting it in the briefest compass what the Laurier Government has 
done for the Militia is this : 

(1.) Taken over Halifax and Esquimalt, formerly Imperial military 
and naval stations. The British taxpayer does not now contribute a 
shilling to Canadian defence. 

(2.) Abolished by the Act of 1904 the restriction which formerly 
as good as prevented the appointment of a Canadian officer to the highest 
position in the Canadian Militia. The rule that a British Army officer 
of the same rank as a Canadian officer, but of junior date of appointment, 


should take precedence of that Canadian officer, has also been done away 
with. Pitt, in the days of the American Colonies, put the American 
officer with the same rank and qualifications on an equal footing with 
officers of the British Army. But the old abuse crept into life again 
in Canada and was a source of humiliation to Canadian officers. 

(3.) Substituted for command by an Imperial officer the direction 
of the Militia by a Military Counei' composed of the Minister and the 
principal officers of the force, which, of course, is subject in all things 
to the Government and Parliament of Canada. The British officers who 
Avere formerly at the head of the Militia, were able and accomplished 
soldiers, but, as Sir Frederick Borden said in the House in 1904, "each 
new one seemed to be possessed with the idea that it was bis duty to 
change and overturn everything that had been done by his predecessor." 
Some were loth to acknowledge the supremacy of the civil authority as 
represented by the Minister and Parli<ament, and, like Lord Dundonald, 
wanted to be a law unto themselves. Others unhappily came in conflict 
with Canadian public opinion through looking at matters altogether 
from an Imperial standpoint and seeking to commit us to projects 
beyond our means. The Military Council works well and without 

(4.) Adopted a system of annual drill for the whole Militia. 
Formerly only portions were drilled. Established an age limit for each 
rank, and limited the tenn of commanding officers so that now the 
younger men stand a ohance of being rewarded with promotion for 
their services to the country. Established cadet corps and cadet bat- 
talions for enlisting the sympathy of the young in the defence of 
Canada. Raised the qualification for officers. Created a pension fund 
for the Permanent Corps, a School of Musketry, an Engineers branch, 
Ordnance branch, Medical Service, Army Service Corps, Veterinary 
Service, and Intelligence Department, together with a Central Camp. 
Encouraged the formation of rifle associations, established a Small- 
Arms factory in Canada for the manufacture of rifles and bayonets ; also 
factories for making wagons, limbers, etc., for artillery, which formerly 
had to be brought from England. 

(5.) Added to the numerical strength of the Militia, increased its 
efficiency in every arm, and brought it more in touch with the people 
from whom it springs, as well as more under their control. 

Now let us note what the Laurier Government has not done. Some 
newspapers have it that by making His Majesty the King the Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the Canadian Militia it has empowered him to do 


what he likes with it; he may order it abroad without our sanction or 
against our will. This is not the case. In England the King is no 
longer able of himself to declare war, or send British troops abroad. So 
in Canada, whenever the King's name appears in a statute or that of the 
Governor-General, it is well understood that those personages have no 
power or prerogative of their own, but must act as advised by their 
Ministers at Ottawa, and not otherwise. The Act of 1904 expressly says 
that the calling out of the Militia is vested in the Govemor-in-Council, 
i. e. the Government. 

Other newspapers and some Nationalist speakers say that the Act 
of 1904 alters the mode of constituting the defensive force in an 
emergency by providing that every male person over 18 shall be sum- 
moned, which is conscription. This is likewise an error. The Act does 
not differ in this particular from previous Acts. Prom the first, uni- 
versal service in case of invasion has been provided for. Every civilized 
nation has a similar law, except perhaps the little commonwealth de- 
scribed by Voltaire, which ha j no fighting force at all, only the picture 
of a warrior on the front gate. 

The Weekly Sun contends that the Government has introduced into 
the Act words which practically mean that the Militia may be drafted 
abroad, to the Old "World wars of EngUnd, by Order-in-Council. Sec- 
tion 69 of the Act reads that the "Govemor-in-Council may place the 
Militia, or any part thereof, on active service anywhere in Canada, and 
also beyond Canada for the service thereof." This, it is suggested, is an 
innovation which puts the Canadian Militiaman in the position of a 
British regular, liable any day to be sent beyond sea. 

The fact is that language identical with, or of the same signification 
as this, appears in everj^ Militia Act that has been passed since Governor 
Simcoe 's time, and before his time if we include the early Acts of Lower 
Canada. Take, for instance, the Militia Act of Upper Canada of 1808. 
It provides that the Governor or his Deputy may call out the force and 
march it "to any part of this Province," and goes on : 

"But is shall not be lawful to order the Militia or any part 
thereof t march out of this Province except for the assistance of 
the Province of Lower Canada (when the same shall be 
actually invaded or in a state of insurrection) ; or except in pur- 
suit of an enemy who may have invaded this Province, and except 
also for the destruction of any vessel or vessels built or building, 
or any depot or magazine formed or forming, or for the attack 
of any enemy who may be embodying or marching for the purpose 
of invading this Province, or for the attack on any fortification 
now erected, or which may be hereafter erected, to cover the 
invasion thereof." 


War with the United States was always imminent in those days, and 
manifestly could not have been waged with advantage by England 
unless the officer in command of the forces in Canada had been 
empowered to lead the Canadian Militia, as well as the British Regulars, 
across the frontier. All subsequent Militia Acts contain a similar clause 
except that in some the long story about depots, vessels, and magazines 
is omitted. 

The first Militia Act adopted after the union of Upper and Lower 
Canada in 1841 was that of 1846. Here the Governor is given authority 
"to march the Militia into any part of the Province, or to any place 
without the limits of the Province but conterminous therewith, for the 
attack of an enemy," etc. After specifying the services in which the 
Militia may be employed while operating without the limits of the 
Province, that is, in adjoining American territory, the Act proceeds to 
say that "in no other case or cases whatever" is it to be marched beyond 
the frontier. From this restriction, which does not appear in any other 
Militia Act, one might almost conclude, although there is no mention of 
it in the books or newspapers of the time, that some one in 1846 had 
raised the point now raised by the Weekly Sun, that the Governor had 
power to order the Militia beyond sea. If so, it was not well taken, for 
neither then nor at any other time, as plainly appears, could he send 
them out of Canadian territory except into adjacent American territory, 
and then only for the defence of Canada. The abortive Militia Bill of 
1862 authorized the Governor to call out the Militia for service "either 
within or without the Province." The first Militia Act after Confeder- 
ation, that of 1868, used the words "within or without the Dominion," 
and the same phraseology is employed in the Acts of 1883 and 1886. 

But, says a Nationalist paper. Lord Beaconsfield once ordered 
Indian toops to Malta. To this the answ :r "=, that those troops belonged 
to the native army of India, which is a regular army in the employment 
of England, as much so as the white British Army ; whereas the Canadian 
Militia is not a regular arm and is not subject to the control of the 
Imperial Government, which could not order it from 'Ottawa to Montreal, 
let alone to the Mediterranean. On the breaking out of the Boer "War, 
Sir Wilfrid Laurier declared that the Canadian Government could not 
legally send the Canadian Militia beyon'l the limits of Canada. The 
Canadian troops, 8,000 in number, who went to the Transvaal, volun- 
teered to serve with the British arms. Nor could he or his Cabinet 
to-day, of their own motion, order the Militia to go outside of Canada 
except for defensive purposes in the narrow sense spoken of ; that is, if 
Canada were invaded from the United States they could be sent across 
the American frontier. In brief, the language of the existing Act does 
not contain in that respect any meaning not possessed by that of former 


Bat, as already observed, lest any Canadian Administration should 
hereafter be tempted, at a time of excitement over an imminent war in 
which England was to be a combatant, to ignore the existing limitations 
and rush a body of troops across the Atlantic, a clause was inserted in 
the Act of 1904 that, on the Militi i or any part thereof being called into 
active service, Parliament shall meet within fifteen days. No former 
Militia Act contained such a proviso, the object of which is to give the 
country time to reflect upon the proposed step and an opportunity of 
approving or disapproving it. Here again the Laurier Cabinet has been 
faithful to the principles of self-government, our only safe anchorage. 
England is the mother of free nations, and "her children rise up and 
call her blessed." But just because we in Canada are free, and intend 
with God's help to continue so, it is, as I am sure you will agree, of the 
first and last importance that we should not be plunged into Old World 
wars, even for her sako, without due consideration being given by the 
representatives of the Canadian people to so momentous an undertaking. 

Let us now turn to the Canadian Navy. The Laurier Administra- 
tion is treating it as it has treated the Militia, making it a thoroughly 
Canadian force, the vessels built of Canadian material with Canadian 
oflScers and crews, and placing it under the exclusive jurisdiction of the 
Dominion Parliament. It is getting on for six years since Britain 
removed her warships from Canada and left us to our own resources 
for the defence of our coasts. A modest Canadian Navy will have plenty 
to do in guarding the Fisheries and Customs on the Atlantic and Pacific 
from foreign trespassers. It will not be called into active service 
except when our Government and Parliament decide that it can be use- 
fully employed in protecting our shores and convoying our merchant 
vessels during a war in which England is engaged ; or when England is 
actually in need of its assistance in European seas. This is not likely 
to happen in our day and generation, seeing that the British Navy is 
overwhelmingly stronger than that of any single rival, and stronger than 
the combined navies of any two in Europe. But it is only right that we 
should prepare to defend ourselves and be in a position to help her 
should she ever, which Heaven forbid, be "stranded on the reefs of 
despair. ' ' 

When, half a century ago, Englishmen were asking in what respect 
England profited by her Colonies, which did not pay for their defence 
or supply her with revenue, or under Free Trade afford her any special 
commercial advantage, one of the largest items with which they debited 
the Colonies was the cost of maintaining British warships in Colonial 


and more particularly in Canadian waters. Australia and Jamaica 
replied that her outlays on their naval protection were to save them 
from attack by the ships of some Old World nation hostile to England, 
and for that reason, and for that only, hostile to them. In other words, 
British naval expenditure on behalf of those Colonies was necessitated 
by Imperial rather than by Colonial considerations. 

We in Canada could not enter that plea because for years the 
British squadron stationed on our North Atlantic coast had been em- 
ployed, at England's expense, in enforcing the Treaty of 1818 for our 
exclusive benefit. That treaty, everj-one knows, allows American fisher- 
men to enter Canadian ports for wood, water, shelter and repairs only ; 
and in conjunction with the Law of Nations prohibits them from fishing 
within three miles of the shore. The American fishermen of Gloucester 
and Provincetown had argued themselves into the belief that they had 
a right to share in our inshore fisheries just as they had done before they 
were separated from England, as well as to use our harbors as a base of 
operations for the pursuit of the deep-sea fishery on the Banks of New- 
foundland, which is open to the fishermen of all nations ; notwithstanding 
that the Washington authorities excluded our fish from the American 
market by onerous duties, and even taxed the tins when by temporary 
treaty arrangements we were permitted to ship canned fish to them 
duty free. 

This, let it be said again, was not an Imperial question, but a 
Canadian one of great importance to the fishing population of the 
Maritime Provinces, and to the various industries dependent on it. The 
interest of England, if she had thought of herself alone, would have 
counselled her to sacrifice the Canadian fisheries to the New England 
fishermen for the sake of peace and quietness with the United States. 
Instead of that she spent a very large sum between 1818 and 1870 in 
maintaining the North Atlantic and West Indian squadron for the 
protection of these fisheries, at the risk of embroiling herself with the 
Washington Government and thereby affording her Old World enemies 
a splendid opportunity for destroying her. Throughout that period 
from ten to fifteen per cent, of the whole tonnage of her Navy was 
engaged in this service, and, as I have ■said, on account of frequent 
seizures of American fishing vcssCiS for poaching in our inshores or 
othenvise violating our local laws or the provisions of the treaty, she 
was over and over again within an ace of hostilities with the Unite*' 
States. In 1870 we began to build small cruisers for the work, and her 
warships were gradually withdrawn from it; but they continued to 
guard our coasts, both en the Atlantic and Pacific, till 1905, still at the 
expense of the British taxpayer. 


Along about 1887, as many will recollect, the Dominion Qoveni- 
ment found it necessary to seize a number of American fishing vessels 
in order to assert and maintain our rights. In fact, as Sir Charles 
Tupper afterwards said, we were at that time very nearly at war with 
our neighbors. Clearly we should not have ventured that far but for 
the presence of the British fleet. It is no exaggeration to say that at 
any time between 1818 and 1887 we might have lost our fisheries alto- 
gether had it not been for the action of England in standing by us in a 
controversy that did not concern the British people, except in so far as 
they were resolved that we should not be deprived, if they could help it, 
of an extremely valuable property that rightfully belonged to us. It 
has always appeared to me, and I am sure to you, that England's con- 
duet towanls us from 1818 onward was admirable and deserving of our 
lasting gratitude. "In all their affliction he was afflicted, and the angel 
of his presence saved them ; and he bare them and carried them all the 
days of old." We can see at this distance that if the Seaboard Pro- 
vinces had not enjoyed her active protection, rendered without hope or 
expectation of any return from them, they might have been prevented 
from joining or forced to abandon Confederation; in which event the 
rest of Canada would have been dependent in winter upon the United 
States for a separate existence, which is but another way of saying 
that it must soon have ceased to be a British and Canadian communitv. 

Wli did England withdraw her warships from Canada in 1905 T 
For precisely the same reason that she withdrew her troops thirty-five 
years before — because they were required for the better security of the 
British Islands. The rise of Germany as a naval Power had created an 
uneasiness which early in 1905 was deepened by the Dogger Bank in- 
cident, when the Russian fleet under Rojestvensky, destroyed by the 
Japanese in the Straits of Korea, fired upon British fishing vessels as 
if with the design of provoking reprisals by Britain and bringing the 
German fleet on the scene as Russia's ally. It appeared later that there 
had been no such intention, but at the moment the affair was regarded 
as an additional justification for the greater concentration of British 
warships in British waters, which had been determined on in 1904. 

The abolition of the North Atlantic and Pacific squadrons, with the 
assignment of the ships to the defence of Britain, was not the work of 
Little Englanders reckless of the interests of Canada, but of Lord 
Fisher, then chief expert Commissioner of the Admiralty, and nf the 
Conservative Government of which Mr. Balfour was the head. No 
doubt Mr. Balfour felt, and had a right to feel, that v/e could have no 


objection to assuming the responsibility of our naval defence, just as we 
had assumed that for our land defences ; that in transferring the burden 
from the back of the British to the back of the Canadian taxpayer we 
should be but performing an act of common justice and equity, and 
taking one more step towards establishing the complete self-government 
of the Dominion. 

This was the view entertained by the great majority of Canadians. 
A small minority was sorry to lose the benefit of the expenditure within 
Canada for the upkeep of the two British squadrons. In 1904, the year 
before the withdrawal, the North Atlantic squadron, with Halifax as 
its base, consisted of seven cruisers, .some of them very powerful ones, 
and three sloops of war; while the Pacific squadron, with its base at 
Esquimau, was composed of thret cruisers and one sloop. In addition 
there were dockyards, victualling yards and fortifications with British 
soldiers or sailors to man them at both those places; the total outlay 
by the Admiralty within Canada that year being close on $3,500,000. 
I venture to think that those Canadians who lamented the loss of tha*; 
amount of British taxes, yet were not prepared to spend a Canadian 
dollar for a Canadian Navy, did not do themselves justice. Indeed, if 
I may venture to say so, it was a rather depressing exhibition of private 
greed and lack of public spirit. 

Some of us to-day assert, as a reason for opposing the building of 
a small Canadian Navy, that in ease of hostilities on sea England must 
either employ her warships in convoying o>ir food steamers or starve. 
During the American Civil War a drafted man was allowed to hire a 
substitute. But to say that we should call on England to be our 
substitute, when with her back to the wall she is fighting for life, and 
pay her nothing, is a proposition so unique in its meanness that one 
wonders how any honest Canadian can support it. 

Others say that a Canadian Xa\y is not needed because in the 
event of war between England and Germany we could ship our produce 
to Europe in American merchant vessels and bring back our imports in 
the same manner. This is quite correct. Under the Declaration of 
Paris of 1856, to which England is a party, a neutral flag protects 
everything except contraband of war. The Declaration of London of 
1910 has not yet been adopted but will not materially alter things. 
Mr. Bowles, a noted English authority, says that Germany, knowing to 
what an extent England depends upon foreign food supplies, would 
doubtless declare breadstuffs to be contraband, as France when fighting 
in Tonkin declared rice. Even so, however, the Germans would prob- 
ably think twice before stopping an American steamer sailing from New 
York or Portland with a cargo of Canadian wheat and compelling her 
to hand it over. By this device we could escape payment of the war 
insurance rates on our merchandise and hulls, the latter of which, by 


the hypothesis, would be put out of business for the time being together 
with Canadian ports. 

But would not this be a step close akin to taking shelter under the 
Monroe Doctrine T Our self-respect would be gone, for, to say the least, 
it would be a miserable ending to all our professions of loyalty to 
England. Unless British men-of-war were numerous enough to stop 
the traffic, and England was bold enough to risk American displeasure, 
the Germans could obtain their food supplies from the United States 
and the Argentine in neutral bottoms sailing to the neutral port of 
Antwerp, from which the cargoes would be transported by rail to the 
German consumer, r.3 is done now. This, English experts say, is where 
Germany would Lave an advantage over England, which obviously 
could not use neutral ports in Continental Europe without exposing the 
food to capture on its transfer to her own. If England, for political 
reasons, let American merchant ships alone, Germany could rest assured 
of being abundantly fed whilst England might be in danger of famine ; 
especially if the German cruisers ranging the pcas in pursuit oi British 
food-carriers were aided by privateers fitted out in neutral countnes — 
a contingency which the Admiralty is said to be taking into account 

Whatever Germany might do in the way of placing her commerce 
under a neutral flag would, of course, be justified by the fact that she 
was fighting the greatest of all naval Powers, and that a nation 's safety 
is her supreme law. On the contrary, if we in Canada turned our foreitrn 
commerce over to American railways, American ports and American 
vessels, it would be simply because we were unwMling to provide a 
Canadian Navy capable of protecting our own cargoes: ; literally, because 
we were evading our responsibilities from mercenary motives. Yet on 
the lowest ground, that of money, it would be a mistake; for such a 
course would at once impair our credit. The British and foreign finan- 
ciers, on whom we depend for the capital to develop Canada, would 
almost to a certainty conclude that a people who could thus shirk the 
duty they owed to themselves — saying nothing of their moral obligation 
to their Mother Country — would not be above repudiating their debts 
and could not be trusted in anything that concerned their pockets. 

There is another aspect of the matter which the opponents of a 
Canadian Navy who take this stand appear to overlook. Once we bad 
transferred our export nnd import trade to American channels, and it 
had become set in them during the existence of the war, which might 
last for years if other nations were dragged in, what "'ould it cost us 
to get it back to Canadian channels? 

Take the exports of grain from the Canadian "West. We have 


spent $100,000,000 in improving the St. Lawrence route by constructing 
canals and harbors and deepening tho river between Jlontreal and 
Quebec. Under the conditions we are discussing the Winnipeg grain 
merchant would send eveiything to Buffalo and New York, which 
already handle about a fourth of each year's export crop, instead of to 
Montreal by all-water from Fort William, or by wat<.'r and rail from the 
Georgian Bay. All export grain west of Winnipeg would go south by 
American roads to get under th(? American Hag on the Atlantic. The 
Canadian Pacific, Canadian Xortliern and Grand Trunk i'aeific would, 
as now, carry the grain destined for local consumption in Eastern 
Canada; but their export would be lost, and they would have to 
raise their rates on other commodities in order to live. The steamship 
lines sailing in and out of Montreal and Quebec, Halifax and St. John. 
Victoria and Vancouver, would be laid up till the war enil.-d; and it 
is safe to say the Americans would not only exact the last cent from 
our shipments through their ports, but do their utmost to keep the 
traffic in their control for all time. 

Nothing is so hard to regain as a transportation business that has 
been diverted to other routes. The stoppage of ocean traffic by the St. 
Lawrence for the five winter months is a tremendous drawback to that 
rout3; but what would happen if the whole of our .seagoing commerce 
on both coasts were transferred to American interests for an indefinite 
period? One can hardly calculate what the tran.sportation of Western 
produce alone means to the lake and ocean vessels, railways, banks and 
general industries of the older Provinces. I have looked into the subject 
as well as I am able and take it on myself to say that, directly and in- 
directly, Canada would stand to lose a great deal more, out of sight 
more, by transferring her oversea traffic to the American flag than would 
be required for the construction and maintenance of an efficient Can- 
adian Navy; so that, judging merely from the standpoint of dollars and 
cents, which is their criterion throughout, the opponents of a Navy seem 
to be penny wise and pound foolish. 

Thus far we have been considering what a Canadian Navy could 
and should do in time of war. Its principal occupation, however, will 
be to watch our coasts in time of peace. Since 1870 we have accumulated 
a number of small cruisers and armed steamers, m.any of them now out 
of date, which are engaged in the Fisherj- Protective Service, and the 
important part of their work will be taken over by the new Navy. The 
Atlantic fisheries extend from the Bay of Fundy to the Strait of Belle 
Isle, the Pacific from the Fraser River to Prince Rupert; whilst the 
inland fisheries of Canada embrace 250,000 square miles of fresh water. 


The yield from all the fisheries last year amounted to $30,000,000, and 
ia steadily increaaini?. Formerly Nova Seotia waa the banner province, 
now British Columbia tops the list in value of eateh. The industry 
throufrhoiit our Heaeonsts employs 1,700 Huilinsr vcwu-ls, steimiers and luin, 
a few of whieh are ensaped in fur-sen! hunting, and over 40,0(MJ Iwats, 
manned l»y 70.(MM) men, with 22.()(M) more in the bu«ini'«s of eleaninif and 
canning. The private capital inv.-Kted is ne- ! v !|!2(),00().(MM). A jrhince at the 
blue Ixioks is suflieient to show that the iistry is only in its ii.fiiney. 
Sinee 1870 the yield in Nova Seotia hiw doubled, that in Nt'w Bnuiswick 
trebled, that of Prinee Edward Island in<'n'a.sed five-fold. Thi- first 
returns from British Columbia, those of 187(5, showed n yield of a little 
over $100,000; last y<'ar it exeeeded $10,000,000. 

It is essential that we should make the most of the vietor>- Canada 
recently won at The Ilatnie, and AnieK.-an fishenniii nuide to under- 
stand, once for all, by strict thoujrh friendly ensures that we intend 
to hold on to what is ours in the North Atlantic In the Pacific 
we possess an extraordinary amount of fishery wealth in the form of 
salmcm, halibut, herrinjf. iind cod, and of other fish that have not yet 
become merchantable. The American fishermen from Seattle end else- 
where have for years frcfiuented the British Columbia cojLst, and even 
made it their base of operations. We wish them well if they will only 
fish in their own waters, but they cannot he allowed any longer to poach 
in 01U-- A portion of the Canadian Navj- will, no doubt, be detailed to 
that ser,.ce. There is abundance of other work, such as the suppres.sion 
of smuggling by sea, the rescuing of vessels in distress, the mapping of 
sunken rocks, and a general oversight of the conditions on our vast 

Finally, the Navy will bear witness to all and sundry that Canada 
is emerging from the Colonial stage. In the poem entitled the "Scottish 
Exile in Canada," Loekhart described the newly-arrived immigrant r.s 
lost in wonder at our boundless territory, yet giving his mind and li yalty 
to the land from which he came: 

From the lone shieling on the misty island 
Mountains divide us and a waste of seas ; 

Yes, still the blood is strong, the heart is Highland, 
And we in dreams behold the Hebrides. 

We native Canadians also glory in the land of our ancestors, but 
are proud beyond measure of Canada as she moves into her place 
among the nations with a predestined future of no ordinary splendor. 
We are not a warlike people, the only conquests we care to boast of 
beiug those over the forest and prairie, by which we ar« creating free 
homes for millions of the poor and distressed of mankind. Yet surely 
self-respect, if nothing else, suggests that we should have a Navy of our 


own, if only aa a Bymbol of our authority on both oceanii. to take the 
place of that which England so generously maintained for our protec- 
tion wlien we were not accustomed to self-government and were too weak 
to protect oursclvea. 

It is said that the ''anadian Navy is based on or would involve eon- 
scription. There is nothini,' in thi« iiMsertion. The only occasion on 
which something approaching conscription for naval purposes was pro- 
vided for was in 18()2, when the alj<.rtive Militia Hill of the .Macdonald- 
Cartier Government obliged (S<.-ction ];W) "every seaman or other 
pers(m engaged ordinarily in the calling of a seaman or sailor, or other- 
wise occupied or engaged in or upon any of the steamers, schoon rs, or 
oth<'r vessels upon the lakes or waters in this Province, or belonging 
to any of the ports thereof," to register every December at the nearest 
Custom House; and compelled the captains of vessels to see that their 
men wtro so n-gistered. There may be naval conscription in Australia; 
if so, it has notMng to do with us. Our Naval regulations pro-idc for 
voluntary .nlistment. The Nationalists tell the (Quebec people that men 
and boys are t<> be taken from their ImhIs by press-gangs like tluwe 
which formerly seized the passer-by iu England" and hurried him aboard 
a British warship. As a matter of fa.'t, the Canadian Uovemment ad- 
vertLses for recruits. 

Nor is it true that the Canadian Navy may bo ordered abroad by 
His Majesty the King, or by the Governor-General as his reprcs.>ntative, 
or by Order-in-Council. The Act of If) 10 savs: 

"In case of an emergency the Governor-in-Council may place 
at the disposal of Hi.s Majesty, for general service in the Koynl 
/Y' It ^^^'^^ ''^•Tvice or any part thereof, anv ships or vessels 
ot the Naval Service, and the ofticers and seamen serving in such 
ships or vessels, or any officers or seamen belonging to the Naval 

But this has to be read in the light of a succeeding section, which, 
as in the case of the Militia, leaves the decision as to whether the force is 
to be sent abroad or not to Parliament : 

"Whenever the Governor-in-Couneil places the Naval Service 
or any part thereof on active service, if Parliament is then separ- 
ated by such adjournment or prorogation as will not expire within 
ten days, a proclamation shall is.sue for a meetins of Parli.amont 
within tifteen days, and Parliament shall accordingly meet and sit 
upon the day appointed by such proclamation, and shall continue 


to sit in like manner as if it had ntood adjourned or prorogued to 
the same day. " 

It is quite true that if Parliament shoulil approve of placing the 
Canadian Navy at the disposal of England the eommand of it during 
hoHtilitien would be vested in the British Admirals. Clearly there could 
not l)e two separnU- eommands on the some side in a naval battle without 
grave danger to that side. 

Lastly, it ia said by the Opposition that the question of building a 
Navy should first have been submitted to the people by Referendum. 
The Opposition had nothing to say about a Referendum when in March 
29th, 1909, Mr. Foster moved that a Navy should be built without longer 
delay, or when the Conservative press during the German scare advo- 
cated a contribution from us to the Admiralty of 20 or 25 millions in the 
lump. It waa not till the Nationalists at Quebec, who desire to do 
away with the Navy scheme, raised the Referendum cry that the Con- 
servative party at Ottawa adopted it. Not long since, when Mr. Balfour 
and Lord Lansdovrae urged a Referendum on Preference and the Reform 
of the House of Lords, Lord Chancellor Ix)reburn wrote a letter 
(December 3rd, 1910) in which he said among other things: 

"w^ T-°^^ ®°^ ^^^ *^'°^ ^""^ utterly unfamiliar in this coun- 
try. We live under representative government. The electors 
control both policy and legislation by choosing members to repre- 
sent them m the House of Commons, to whom is left the duty, 
not ouly of settling the scheme and clauses of a bill, but also of 
keeping in or driving out the Ministers of the Crown. The 
Referendum, in any of its numerous varieties, means that a direct 
question is to be put to the electorate over the head of its repre- 
sentatives. It supersedes representative government so far as it 
is adopted. How far will depend upon the vari ly <, ; choose. 

'I To incorporate the Referendum as an integral part of our 
constitution in any form in which I have seen it advocated would 
be a blow to representative government of a most serious kind. 
The electors of this country are busy men. They cannot study 
each of our complicated controversies in detail. It is enough if 
they choose men whom they trust, whose point of view they agree 
with in general, and commit to them for a limited time the control 
of legislation and of policy." 

To have left the Canadian Navy to a Referendum would probably 
have resulted at the time in Quebec's voting against it, whilst the 
English-speaking Provinces would have been divided. The subject was 
not then understood by the people of Quebec, for the Government's 
policy had been grossly misrepresented. Yet the hostile attitude of 
Quebec would have been seized upon by the ultra-Imperialists as proof 
that the French-Canadians were disloyal at heart, and the two races 

once more broujrht into collUion. Aft<T the Brituh ' "tjons, when tb« 
Referendum propoial had served the purpouc of shelvji. ' rotection u 
a Tory plank, some of the leading Tory journals took Loru Lorebum'i 
ground, that it would be a dantrerotis innovation upon British con- 
■titutional methodi. It would be an equally danjyerous and costly inno- 
vation in Canada, beaidt-s, as any one can readily percoiv. tending to 
split up a population not yet welded into a homogenous miws. 

I have now briefly examined all the objoptions thus far raised 
against the Canadian Na\y. The Government has purchased two 
British cruisers, is establishing a Xaval Collesre at Halifax for the 
education of Canadian officers, cncouraginj? the construction of docks 
large enough to accommodate our vessels of war, as well as the largest 
merchant steamships, and will shortly i'omm.'n<-i' buildinir a Navy of 
moderate size and power from designs furnished by the British Admir- 
alty, but of Canadian material and equipment '.hroughout. We shall 
have to import the guns for a time, but before long they will be made 
in Canadian factories. The plates will be of Canadian steel and we have 
plenty of nickel at Sudbury. In all, ten or eleven vessels will be built; 
that is, four or five .second-class cruisers in addition to the two purchased 
from the Admirauy, and six torpedo destroyers. Their construction 
will create a new Canadian industrj' and benefit existing industries in 
all directions; and, returning to the questions of dollars and cents, the 
cost will scarcely bo felt. It is estimated that the vessels can be built in 
the first instance for about $10,000,000, while the upkeep will amount 
to a million a year or less. 

The opponents of the Navy forget that the Canada of to-day is a 
vastly richer community than the P-.nada of yesterday, and that the 
Canada of to-morrow will be richer still. We are growing at a mar- 
vellous rate and can bear a burden like this without any difficulty. 
This year we shall get, it is said, 300,000 immigrants. Long ago they 
used to reckon the economic value of a slave at $800. If for argument's 
sake we put the value of each free-bom immigrant at no more, we shall 
profit this year, potentially speaking, to the extent of $240,000,000, the 
interest on which for a twelvemonth would be sufficient to build the 
Navy, without going further afield. 

While the Laurier Administration is thus proceeding to create a 
Navy Canadian in every fibre and subject to the exclusive jurisdiction 
of the Dominion Parliament, it is hard to say what the Opposition 
favors. So far as one can judge, the great majority of Conservatives 
are in favor of our contributing to Brilisli armaments whenever the 


Empire is in danger; but, as said before, this policy would in effect 

Zl Ind "i^Trr". "'n "^ ''''''''' '" ^''""'-I^en'like Lord North- 
cliffe and Lord Charles Beresford, who are always rigging up invasion 
bugaboos to fr>ght.n the weak-minded. We cannot afford to te up to 
either party m England, least of all to the one whose clamor for bloated 
arman.e.ts has been repudiated at two general elections w'hin le 
space of a year by the British democracy 

motiJnrnnf """' T""' "^^ '^' ^'^°"^'''^" Opposition is shown in their 
mot.ons and amendments during the past two years. It would occupy 

l"l";n';b.''"" '" "fV^'! *'^ "^^'•'"^ '" ^""' ^"^ ^^ elates here g-^ 
^m enable any one to find them in Hansard. One or two unimportant 
motions from both sides are omitted •"umportant 

longel' dehTt'r' ''''\''" ^"^^^ "^^^ ^^«* ^--'^ "^^ould no 
Si. b,^H T'"^ ^l' ^'■"^'^^ '^'''' °^ '^' rc-sponsibility and 

that whilfrifo''- fn'-^" ""'^'"^ ^'"'"^^^ ™-^^ - ^--d^-t 

m the matt^>r, ,t i.s ol opinion that "under the pn^sent constitutional 

relations between the Mother Countrj- and the self-govemin. Colonl 

he paj^ent of regular or periodical contributions to the" ImteX 

reasury for Nayal and Military purposes would not, as far as Can Ida 

defence. He proposed therefore to build a Canadian XavV 

spokl of^'ly TrTT'^'r,''^ *'' Opposition. It was the a;rangement 
spoken of b> Si ■ Charles Tupper in his letter of November 1909 in 
which he said that a "fearful responsibility w<M.ld rest on ihole who 
disturbed or destroyed it." For a while both parties a<^reedThiTe tT.,e 
solution of the problem of defence w.^ to be fovmd inlcantln x' 
e^arely controlled by Canada. Then the NatZali "s, who as far ^1 
can gather, are opposed to our a.ssisting England under any circum 
^^ances, concaved the idea of a Referendum as a means okiir'th^ 
plan; whereupon the Opposition, notwithstanding Sir Charles' v^min/ 
changed front to this extent, that while in th; Englth' pTak nrPro' 
vinces they continued to a.lvocate a Canadian Xavj^n the ProvLt «; 
Quebec they advocated a Referendum vj, m uie Trovmee of 

,honM T ^^m""'^ ^'' ^^10— ^I'-- I^o'-den moved that a Referendum 

-^Iti^f^ V"' f '^ '^'"^""°' ^"* ^'« °^«t'- likewise rdr.™ 
that n the meantime the immediate duty of Canada and tl.. impendinc^ 
necessities of the Empire can best be discharged and m.a hyZZl 
without delay at the disposal of the Imperial TutLril ^ 'fr'e^ll 
loyal contribution from the people of Canada, such an amount as may 
be sufficient to purchase or construct two battleships or amo'red 


ZttTjV''' J'^test Dreadnought type, giving to the Admiralty full 
ffn^vl?^ . """^""^ ^^' '^'^ '""^ "^ ^"^'•^ *™''^ «°d for such purposes 

rLZL 7%W^"'' '''^^'''' ™"^ ^' ''^' ^ increase the 
united strength o the Empire, and thus assure its peace and seeuritv." 

of Zt ^'^'^""^^^ vv«« intended by Mr. Borden for Quebec, the v'ote 

Z I 'on u"" ''""P ^'*' *^' ^•^'•""^ Imperialist.. Yet in his speech 

'LlZffT' ''.?' '''■• "''^''^ "^"^ ''PP'-^ « -«-y contribution 

because it bears the aspect of hiring somebody else to do what we 

ourselves ourht to do," and, besides, would leave Canada without any 

defence -.- prtparations therefor. ^ 

alists^t! ^r"'"'^ "'"' ' ^^^''-^^'- ^I«°k, in behalf of the Nation- 
alists, rr v., on the acluress in reply to the speech from the Th«)ne that 

• , . . T"'*' ^^^^ ^^' 'P^*^'^ ^'''"^ °« indication whatever of the 

mtention of the Govemment to consult the people on its Naval ik>1 cy 

amam^S"'' '"'''"" °' '""^ -ntribution by Canada to Imperial 

Mr Monw''"".'^' l^'^' ''''-^^" ^'•^^° ^•^^'^ >" amendment to 
ll^ .1 nT °' ^''""•''' ^' ^' ^'''■^'' h^ ""•«« °»t particular^ satis- 
fied with a the verbiage of it"; "That while assuring His Exc'ellen y 

Ir rf r '''''^'^'''' «»d d'^^'^tion of the Canadian people to 

th British Crn.n, etc., we desire to express our regret that ^ur E^ 
celleney s gracious speech gives no indication whatever of any intention 

r:i%ci/crnat"'^°^'"^ "^^^^^ ^ — ^'^ p-'« - - . 

noc/'"- ^""^f ° ^"^ *^"' '■''^^-'-'h^''- «^J"r>ted the Nationalist device for 
postponing the construction of a Navy. Nevertheless, in 1909 as we 
have seen he and his friends were all for an immediate contribution 
of cash or Dreadnoughts, because, as they said, no time was to be l^in 
aiding England, and the delay necessarj^ for the construction Tf a 
Canadian Navy was not to l>e thought of. On October 14th, 1910 when 
he made a speech at Halifax, Mr. Borden seemed to have re;erted tithe 
dea of a Canadian Navy, no matter how long it might take to build it 

that out":? '' "r r^^™'"-" p'-^^^'p'^ ^' '^^' ^^-id --tr^ : 

IkS of our oT™ "f"'"'' '^ '"'• ""° ''''''' ^"^ "^y tl^« -^tructed 
skill of our own people, any necessarj^ provision for our own naval 

defence should be made." This, he added, would be Nova Scotk^ 
opportunity, Providence having endowed her with the material the men 
and the situation, "which are essential for developing a scheme' of nava" 
defence and protection." 

Henceforth, as Sir Wilfrid Laurier obsen-ed in the IIou* \fr 
Borden "will have the insult of Nationalist praise." for af eHil ^^ 
protestations of loyalty and his haste to assist England, in a m nne no 
at all desirable from the point of view of Canadian self-government the 


temptation of the Quebec vote has carried him over to the side of Mr 
Bourassa If England takes any interest in the Conservative party in 
Canada, she may well say of it: "This people draweth nigh unto me with 
their lips, but their heart is far from me." 

I have now, ao far as time has permit'ed, told the whole story of the 
policy of the Launer Administration wit. respect to the Canadian Navy 
and the Canadian Militia. If Sir Wilfrid could have his way he would 
prefer that war should be banished from the face of the earth and 
peace and good-will among men reign forever. As things are he 
had to do his duty for the protection of Canada and he has done it 
I submit, as a Canadian should-by putting our land and sea forced 
under the exclusive control of the Dominion Parliament, thereby enlarg- 
ing the sphere of our autonomy; while leaving us in a position, should 
the day come when England is in peril, to help her of o.r own free will 
and out of our deep affection for her to maintain her position as the 
most glonous apostle of liberty and civilization that ever ministered 
to the children of men.